Make America Great Again Meme Wojak Flag Bearer

Abstract

Net memes are the nearly pervasive and malleable form of digital popular civilization (Wiggins 2019: seven). They are a mode 'a society expresses and thinks of itself' (Denisova 2019: ii) used 'for the purpose of satire, parody, critique …to posit an statement' (Wiggins 2019, run across also Ponton 2021, this upshot). The acts of viewing, creating, sharing and commenting on memes that criticise or 'troll' dominance figures accept become 'central to our political processes… becom[ing] ane of the most of import forms of political participation and activism today' (Merrin 2019: 201). However, memes do non communicate to us in logical arguments, just emotionally and affectively through brusque quips and images that entertain. Memes are 'part of a new politics of affectivity, identification, emotion and humour' (Merrin 2019: 222). In this paper, we examine not only what politics memes communicate to united states of america, just how this is washed. We analyse memes, some in mainstream social media apportionment, that praise and criticise the disciplinarian tendencies of former The states President Donald Trump, taken from 4Chan, a dwelling house of many alt-right ideas. Through a Multimodal Disquisitional Soapbox Studies approach, nosotros demonstrate how images and lexical choices in memes do not communicate to the states in logical, well-structured arguments, but lean on affective and emotional discourses of racism, nationalism and power. Every bit such, though memes have the potential to emotionally engage with their intended audiences, this is done at the expense of communicating nuanced and detailed information on political players and issues. This works against the ideal of a public sphere where debate and discussion inform political decisions in a population, essential pillars of a democratic lodge (Habermas 1991).

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1. Introduction

Since the Paleolithic Era when humans dwelt in caves, withal imagery has been an integral part of how we communicate (Clottes 2019). Thousands of years later, mod media such as newspapers depend on images. These are 'instrumental in making significant' based on a deep-seated societal belief that 'the sense of a technical, dispassionate bespeak of view afforded by the camera continues to exist fundamental to journalistic dominance' (Allbeson & Allan 2019: 70–71). Despite our historical dear of still imagery, nothing compares in volume to the daily deluge of images we now experience online. It is estimated we took over 1.two trillion photographs in 2017 and we share more than 3 billion images every day (Lavoie 2018). Memes are an integral part of our social media appointment with imagery.

On social media, though we view 'difficult' news and political commentary, studies prove we prefer entertainment that communicates to united states affectively too every bit cognitively (Boyd 2008). This notion is not lost on political advice scholars, many of whom 'acknowledg[e] that the historical separation of entertainment and news is obsolete…' (Esralew & Young 2012: 338). Social media users engage in 'whorl civilization', where we are guided by our thumbs, skimming, reading, liking and commenting on a abiding menstruation of artefacts that entertain and inform. Though much of this is considered 'mundane', on closer examination it is highly ideological (Style 2021a, 2021b). It is precisely through (digital) popular culture where we well-nigh experience politics 'every bit fun, as style, and simply as role of the taken for granted everyday world… [though these] are infused past and shaped by, power relations and ideologies' (Machin 2013: 347). Using the case study of memes nearly old US President Donald Trump, this paper considers what politics memes offering united states and how these communicate to united states emotionally and affectively in our insatiable search to be informed and entertained.

2. Memes, politics and touch

The term 'meme', coined by biologist Richard Dawkins (1976), refers to the way we pass on 'cultural information and ideas between individuals and generations', similar to the fashion genes are passed on between generations. However, this concept is inadequate when because internet memes (futurity 'memes'). It is better to consider memes equally remixes and iterations, viral texts that mutate and replicate and are readily transformed and altered by purposeful human agency, with mutation being desirable and frequently unavoidable (Denisova 2019, Wiggins 2019).

Memes entertain usa, though they are more than merely a laugh. They are a style 'a society expresses and thinks of itself', where '"everyday" media texts intertwine with public discourses' (Milner 2012: 9; Denisova 2019: 2). Throughout the 1990s-2000s, memes went from an entertaining 'geek' civilization in-joke to a mainstream gimmick and 'the means of political and social deliberation' (Denisova 2019: 10). They are manipulated texts produced and distributed 'for the purpose of satire, parody, critique… to posit an argument, visually, in gild to commence, extend, counter, or influence a discourse' (Wiggins 2019: 11). Memes are an integral office of 'trolling civilisation', as defined by Merrin (2019). Hither, we are not referring to 'splenetic attacks… whose hate speech, and rape and death threats… are ruining the internet [because] their abuse and hatred are serious' (Merrin 2019: 202). Much of this behaviour has been chastised every bit an 'anti-social personality disorder' (Bishop 2013) used by those who take reward of 'toxic disinhibition' of bearding, online communication to express their anger (Suler 2005: 184). Instead, this paper considers trolling more than broadly, based on the fishing term to drag a 'baited line behind a boat to see what could be caught' (Merrin 2019: 202). In this sense, memes are a part of a 'sport' that ridicules 'those who become above themselves, or ready themselves to a higher place others – at those asserting, or in, authority' (Merrin 2019: 202). This activity is 'key to our political processes, spreading through the mainstream to go one of the most of import forms of political participation and activism today, employed past politicians, political commentators and the public akin' (Merrin 2019: 201).

Memes influence viewers' awareness of people, issues and events and connect mainstream media topics with social media users. This is axiomatic in the 2016 United states of america election campaign, when memes 'highlighted and promoted the trending discourses around both candidates' (Denisova 2019: 186). They are constructive considering they are brusk, snappy, entertaining and limited a particular point of view through humour. They serve as 'mind-bombs', a term coined and practiced by Greenpeace co-founder Bob Hunter, by distributing a symbolic text that expresses an idea in a nutshell and has an emotional impact (Weyler 2020). When used strategically, they 'help attract attention to political issues and suggest alternative interpretations' (Denisova 2019: 195). They are a way to understand and question concepts, identities and claims made past diverse political groups.

Despite the power ascribed to memes by some scholars, their limits are too recognised. Their political power prevarication in their ability to accost and appeal to specific groups of political actors with detail views in order. In other words, memes tend to 'appeal to an already-existing mental attitude, assumption, prejudice, fear, signal of pride, conspiracy theory, value etc. to attain salience in a given group' (Wiggins 2019: 64). Phillips (2009) demonstrates this through his examination of the Obama Joker meme. Here, he finds this meme was used and manipulated by diverse groups to limited a number of sometimes opposing political views. The political potential of memes are partly determined through acceptance by and incorporation into a group or community and this is limited, dependent on offline social relations and activities including people talking about and discussing memes (Wiggins 2019). Their power is also dependent on whether or not audiences indeed read memes every bit their producers want from a 'preferred reading position'. Furthermore, their power lies in whether audiences are able to successfully reference real-world events represented in the meme, as well every bit the media texts and formats memes copy, parody and/ or manipulate.

A dominant characteristic of memes is they exercise not communicate to us in logical well-structured arguments, only emotionally and affectively (Denisova 2019, Merrin 2019, Wiggins 2019, Way 2021а). Though both concepts are intricately linked, affect is not emotion, only 'provides and amplifies intensity [of emotion] past increasing our awareness of a sure heed or trunk land that we, as adults, acquire to label every bit a item feeling and express as a given emotion' (Papacharissi 2015: 309). So, impact, in brusque, is the intensity in which we experience emotion. By communicating to us affectively and emotionally, memes reduce and simplify political facts and arguments. They are 'another movement away' from rational, chatty argue, 'role of a new politics of affectivity, identification, emotion and humour' (Merrin 2019: 222). This paper reveals how memes communicate to united states of america on these affective and emotional levels.

3. Authoritarianism and Trump

In mainstream media, Trump has been criticised for being too disciplinarian by some, whilst being praised for existence a 'strong human being' by others. Authoritarianism consists of 3 core components which are (one) 'security confronting risks of instability and disorder', (2) 'group conformity to preserve conventional traditions and guard our way of life' and (3) 'loyal obedience toward strong leaders who protect the group and its customs' (Norris & Inglehart 2019: 7). It is direct linked to the 'politics of fear' (see too Ozyumenko & Larina 2021, this issue) where there is a search for commonage security of a ascendant grouping, usually referred to every bit 'our people' against 'them', at the expense of personal freedoms. Our people can exist defined in terms of nationality and citizenship, or more locally as in-groups based on race, religion, ethnicity, location, generation, political party, gender, or sex (Zappettini 2019; 2021). In any of these forms, absolutism values grouping loyalty, shared cultural meanings and feelings of belonging (Norris & Inglehart 2019: 7).

Authoritarianism becomes more unsafe when it is mixed with populism where populists 'pretend to speak for the underdog ['the people'] whose political identity is constructed by opposing it to an aristocracy' (De Cleen & Carpentier 2010: 180). Still, dependent on context, who are defined every bit 'the people' and 'the elite' is fluid. Authoritarian-populist politicians tell us that in social club to defend 'united states' we need to restrict 'them'. This toxic combination results in policies that justify the restriction of immigrants, refugees, asylum seekers, and foreigners. At the time of writing, authoritarianism-populist politicians and parties had gained power in a number of states including the The states, Austria, Italy, kingdom of the netherlands, Poland, Turkey and Switzerland. In other states, they concord sway, including UKIP and the Brexit Political party in catalysing and influencing Brexit (Norris & Inglehart 2019: i). Much praise and criticism near Trump in the media are in terms of authoritarianism. Though some mainstream media criticise Trump for beingness too disciplinarian, some
right-wing media celebrate this (Merrin 2019, Style 2021а).

Trump's style of governance may easily be considered authoritarian-populist as defined above. He 'uses populist rhetoric to legitimize his style of governance, while promoting authoritarian values that threaten the liberal norms underpinning American democracy' (Norris & Inglehart 2019: three). He and his supporters have attacked the 'the liberal printing and their ideals of property authority to account' (Happer, Hoskins & Merrrin 2019: 15). All the while, he calls his opponents 'phoney' or 'dopey', labels media and journalists as 'corrupt' or 'fake news' while discourses of violence, racism and wider uncivility go the 'new' norms of social and political doing and interim (Krzyżanowski 2020: four). He has become the darling of the alt-right in the US, defined every bit 'a range of extreme far-right movements and positions broadly unified by their rejection of traditional, mainstream Christian conservativism and republicanism in favour of white nationalism and supremacism' (Merrin 2019: 206).

4. 4Chan

4Chan is one of a number of websites that have become platforms to communicate alt-right ideas (Happer, Hoskins & Merrin 2019: 13). Set upwards by Christopher Poole in 2003, 4Chan consists of un-archived, discipline-based boards with anonymous postings. Information technology was 'part of the anything goes, libertarian culture of the internet, but its want to shock and drift to the correct would somewhen make it and Reddit key sites for the alt-right' (Happer, Hoskins & Merrin 2019: 13). Information technology is '[t]he modernistic online habitation of trolling and the spirit of chaos… the must-encounter, cess-pit of the net: as Obi-Wan Kenobi says (in a quote ofttimes applied to the site): "Yous will never find a more wretched hive of scum and villainy"' (Merrin 2019: 204). Hither internet users experience 'gratuitous pornography, misogyny, racism, near forms of "phobia", graphic insults, general grossness and maximum offensiveness' (Merrin 2019: 204). Many of the memes that populate our mainstream social media feeds originate from 4Chan, it being 'one of the most artistic corners of the web, with its chaos birthing almost every major meme or aspect of cyberspace civilisation over the last decade' (Merrin 2019: 204).

4Chan is non merely creative, but also political. Information technology has run an assail campaign aimed at the Church of Scientology for attempting to censor content on the net. It likewise aimed its rage at a woman game designer then other feminist commentators in and then-called 'Gamergate'. Here posters presented themselves as underdogs and victims, despite accusations of abuse by 'snowflakes, unicorns and cry bullies'. They pitted themselves against mainstream media and feminism, naming them equally both 'impossibly strong' and 'laughably weak' (Lees 2016). Non long after this campaign, 4Chan turned its attention to Trump. At starting time, his candidacy was seen as a joke, just then information technology speedily evolved into support (Merrin 2019). Its back up for Trump is not surprising, considering 'his politics closely chimed with [4Chan's] the outsider-civilisation, anti-PC sentiment, racism and misogyny and the claims of post-truth "shitposters"' (Merrin 2019: 208). Links between 4Chan and Trump are more just shared political views. Trump and his staff retweeted alt-right videos and images created on 4Chan and 4Chan'south memes were part of Trump's entrada to relentlessly tilt sentiment on social media in his favour. As one sometime entrada official said: 'He clearly won the war against Hillary Clinton day after day later 24-hour interval' (Schreckinger 2017).

4Chan's /po/ board 'is by far the virtually influential disseminator of memes in terms of the raw number of memes originating from it. In particular, it is more influential in spreading racist and political memes' (De Cristofaro 2018). It delivers an important youth demographic to the alt-right, playing a central role in attacks on mainstream media, mainstream politics, the culture of political correctness and Left-wing identity politics. These attacks are evident on 4Chan and in Trump's 2016 ballot campaign. In fact, many memes that originate from 4Chan cantankerous over into mainstream platforms such as Twitter and Facebook to appeal to 'normies'. It was instrumental in anti-Hillary Clinton campaigns such equally Pizzagate and other conspiracy theories. Nonetheless, 4Chan is also a thorn in Trump's side. Despite mainstream media criticising Trump, these actions have had little outcome on his supporters, feeding into the narrative of Trump as an outsider. However, memes on 4Chan and other social media platforms have seen trigger-happy responses by Trump and his supporters suggesting 'humour and satire: the same troll-culture that supports Trump and which he incarnates has get ane of the most important weapons against him' (Merrin 2019: 213).

five. Information

Our study examines a sample of prototype-based memes of Trump taken from 4Chan's /po/ board in the spring of 2019. This time was called to reverberate what was in digital apportionment well-nigh half way through Trump's term in office. During this time, there were countless memes and images being created, manipulated and circulated in threads about Trump on 4Chan. This is not surprising, seeing its history of promoting not only Trump, just likewise the alt-correct. This researcher scanned hundreds of feeds in club to empathize how memes expressed ideas virtually Trump in terms of absolutism. Through this authoritarianism prism, four ascendant themes nearly Trump emerge. These are: Trump is God-similar, Trump is a powerful leader, Trump is powerful confronting the media and Trump is not being stiff enough. In the following assay, nosotros closely analyse two representative memes from each of these categories to reveal how they clear discourses of authoritarianism affectively and emotionally.

6. Methodology

Memes we examine are notwithstanding images and some include written text. We offer a brief description of posters' comments about the memes we analyse to consider how they were 'read' by posters. We use Multimodal Critical Soapbox Studies (MCDS) to analyse how lexica and images independently and together articulate discourses. This arroyo has the reward of revealing the way each way works to clear discourses 'on a particular occasion, in a particular text' (Kress & van Leeuwen 2001: 29; run across also Ponton 2016). MCDS finds its origins in Critical Discourse Assay and Halliday's (1994) functional grammar which presume linguistic and visual choices reveal broader discourses articulated in texts (Kress & van Leeuwen 2001). MCDS draw out the details of how broader discourses are communicated and how the dissimilar modes play slightly unlike roles (Machin & Mayr 2012). These discourses can be thought of as models of the world and projection certain social values and ideas which contribute to the (re)product of social life. The aim of analysis is to reveal what kinds of social relations of power, inequalities and interests are perpetuated, generated or legitimated in texts both explicitly and implicitly (van Dijk 1993).

We examine how participants are represented in our sample texts, an approach used extensively in previous enquiry and shown to be key to revealing discourses (Wodak et al. 1999, Bishop & Jaworski 2003, Wodak & Weiss 2005). Written lexica is analysed (when part of a meme) by leaning on van Leeuwen (1996 & 1995) and Fairclough'south (2003) seminal work on the representation of social actors. Nosotros consider participants in terms of how they are named and how their actions are represented. Hither questions such every bit who does what to whom and how participants are represented in more active or passive roles are examined. Though originally applied to written texts, social histrion analysis is also practical to images leaning on the influential work of Kress and van Leeuwen (1996 & 2001) and Machin (2007). These scholars ascertain three broad analytical categories for analysing the visual representation of social actors: Positioning, kinds of participants and deportment. How viewers are symbolically positioned in relation to participants in images through gaze, bending of interaction and altitude is considered. These choices accept repercussions in terms of representations of power and connotations of engagement with viewers (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). When examining the kinds of participants, nosotros consider whether social actors are represented as individuals or groups, culturally and/ or biologically categorised and who is included and excluded. The representation of action, including process types and agency, carry with them discourses of ability and are an integral part of our visual analysis.

Choices in how imagery is organised and composed is too analysed. Here, nosotros consider the internal 'flow' or organisation of an image, salience and the degree of modality suggested in an epitome. Prototype organisation, including the positioning of elements and framing, contribute to an image's internal 'menses' and acquit with it ideological meanings (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996). Salience, which connotes importance and ability, is expressed through visual devises such as potent cultural symbols, size, colour, tone, focus and foregrounding (Machin 2007). Modality is a literary concept associated with the amount of certainty a producer assigns to a text. In visuals, 'modality tin be decreased or increased depending on how much the paradigm departs from how we would have seen the image had we been at that place' (Machin 2007: 46). Not all of these visual elements are analysed for each meme, just like not all memes include written text. Instead, we use the above belittling tools based on their usefulness in revealing discourses about Trump, authoritarianism, emotion and impact.

7. Assay

seven.one. Memes of God-like powers

1 obvious strategy used to represent Trump equally powerful is producing a visual mash up with his head on a mythical graphic symbol's body. 4Chan's God Emperor Trump series depicts Trump as ruler of the earth, wearing the armour of the immortal character Emperor of Mankind (also known equally 'God Emperor' or 'Imperium of Human being') from the war game Warhammer 40,000. Co-ordinate to 'Know your meme' website, these images offset appeared on 4Chan on sixteen June 2015.

Figure one is typical of these God Emperor Trump memes that appeared during our enquiry. Trump stands alpine. He wears the armour of Emperor of Mankind, culturally categorising Trump as a super-being (Machin 2007). Both the vertical and horizontal bending of interactions propose strength. The camera looks upwards to Trump connoting great power (Machin 2007). His body also faces the photographic camera, though his face looks off to the side. This connotes that he is not here to engage with viewers in a demand prototype that connotes interaction between viewer and subject area (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). Instead, he is offered to his viewers, posing to be admired. Abousnnouga and Machin (2010: 144) examine war monuments and find that about of the subjects (soldiers) practise non symbolically demand annihilation of their viewers, but expect off to the horizon. This has the meaning potential 'of wanting the public to meet the soldiers every bit part of a different world, 1 of the glory of God… metaphorically [looking] to the futurity and high ideals.' Here Trump gazes in a similar fashion, looking thoughtful, total of high ideals, powerful and into the hereafter. Facial expressions are stern and forceful, making clear he is in power. His head is small compared to the massive body in the montage. However, both head and torso are salient connoting importance and power. His body is salient through its size. Just the meme's message of Trump every bit powerful would exist lost on his fans if his caput was difficult to identify. Light, focus and colour make his head salient. Furthermore, it is in focus and importantly, the creator of the image has suggested other-worldliness by including what looks like a halo effectually Trump'due south caput to guide our optics towards him.

Figure 1. 'God Emperor Trump' image in pro-Trump 4Chan thread

Compositional choices too contribute to Trump'due south mythical status. There is no distinguishable background, just modular shades of golden-scarlet. Here, Emperor God Trump is decontextualised. At that place is low modality in this image, where we do not know where Trump is or what he is doing. Modality markers, including the articulation of detail, background and depth, all contribute to how 'real' an image is perceived (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996). Where figures are represented without a background, 'it usually means that the paradigm is symbolic rather than documentary', symbolic rather than descriptive (Machin 2007: 51). Here, this contributes to the notion that this epitome is less about real power and Trump's actions and more about vague, emotive notions or fantasies of Trump's power experienced by his fans, still sick-defined these are (Machin 2007: 48).

The discourse of power, merely not any real tangible power, is common throughout this series. In feeds with these memes, nigh posters express admiration for Trump and disdain for those who do not similar him. Accompanying memes two, we see this in posts such as 'Dubs confirm Trump is God Emperor. Sorry Liberals' and 'That's God Emperor of Mankind Trump to you, you lowly worm'. In both these posts (and many others) we observe an 'u.s.' group of Trump fans, united in their admiration for Trump. 'Dubs' is a personal naming of 1 member of this grouping, active in confirming Trump's power. This presupposes that Dubs indeed has the authority to confirm, a positive representation of power. Distinct from this group is an 'other' group named using the pronoun 'you' above (elsewhere 'them'). This group is impersonally and generically named as 'Liberals' and evaluated negatively in 'you lot lowly worm'. By Dubs saying 'sad' to Liberals for Trump'south power, the writer presupposes Liberals are saddened by Trump's (peachy?) power.

Like the posts, the meme expresses adoration for Trump. Again, this is not well-nigh 'real' political power, like the power to cancel Obamacare, build a wall on the Mexican edge, shut the borders to Muslims or curtail criticisms in the press. This is symbolic ability, confirming posters' admiration and pride towards Trump and Trump's America. Similarities betwixt figures i and two include Trump's head mashed-upwardly with the body of Emperor of Mankind. Both images see Trump's head small, yet salient through the employ of colours, lighting and focus. Low modality through an indistinguishable background is besides common, connoting both symbolic power over 'real' power and Trump as a mythical character.

Figure 2. Symbolic power and nationalism in 'God Emperor Trump' images

Despite similarities, this meme is different than the first i we examined. Now potent cultural symbols change the soapbox to ane of nationalism and ability. Salient are reminders of America that tap into fans' national pride. Virtually salient is the large American flag in focus. Also, an American bald eagle sits on Trump'southward left hand. This national symbol is not gratis to fly like the bird in the background of Trump'due south halo, but has been tamed, suggesting it has submitted to Trump's power. The America being promoted here is Trump's America. On the right knee of his armour is a face shot of Trump. He looks directly at viewers, enervating our attention and connoting power (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). He is represented yelling suggesting aggression and power.

MAGA hats sit on top of Trump's and the baldheaded eagle's heads. This cultural ornamentation is recognisable worldwide. MAGA, short for 'Make America Smashing Again', has go synonymous with a world view associated with Trump that includes controversial perspectives on race, immigration, the environment, politicians, authoritarianism and fifty-fifty cognition (Makovicky, Tremon, & Zanonai 2019). Part of this outlook is branding Trump as an unconventional, aggressive political leader, symbolised here by the flaming sword with 'Trump' written on the handle. This image is not only about America, but virtually a style of leadership that is unconventional, authoritarian and populist. Though imagery such as this connotes great power and suggests absolutism, discourses admired by many 4Chan users and expressed in their comments, power is non 'real' or defined. As such, these memes affectively reverberate and echo dominant discourses on 4Chan, discourses that celebrate Trump's America, his power and absolutism.

7.ii. Trump every bit powerful president/ presidential candidate

Trump's power is not just represented in God-like imagery in our sample. There are more descriptive representations of Trump's power, such equally being a powerful president and presidential candidate. Figure iii is an case used in a thread in June 2019. The feed is fabricated up of insults and bantering amongst users about the claim of Trump and his supporters. This image accompanies a postal service that claims 'Losers lose their shit over how awesome this guy is'. Here we see Trump critics named as 'losers' and acting negatively by 'los[ing] their shit'. This very negative representation is opposed to this 'awesome … guy', lexical choices that non only praise ('crawly'), but as well suggest closeness and being 1 of 'the states' by using the friendly colloquial term 'guy'.

Effigy three, once more we find discourses of power. This is a close upward head shot, giving viewers a point of identification and making it easy for them to symbolically interact with Trump (Machin 2007). He looks directly at the camera, straight addressing viewers and suggesting power (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 127–128). A slight smile on his face up suggests confidence. Smiles tin take on a multifariousness of meanings depending on context and in some cases 'at that place may exist a kind of smile that invites u.s.a. in or allows us to share the joy of a moment' (Machin 2007:111). Hither, Trump's smile indicates he wants us to be happy with him, to share in his victory. This is emphasised by the pronoun 'nosotros' instead of 'I' in the accompanying written text. Groups synthetic using 'we' in political soapbox are constantly shifting and vague, referring to party, nation, government, residents or other combinations used to serve politicians' purposes (Fairclough 1989: 148). Here, 'we' is not defined, it peradventure meaning Trump and his Republican party, conservatives, or even the alt-right. All the same, what is connoted is Trump is powerful, being central to a winning group of 'we' Trump supporters.

Though there is no action represented in the image, Trump is represented strong through cultural categorisation. His suit, white shirt and tie tell united states this is a formal occasion and he is someone to exist respected. The colours of the accompanying writing and surrounding boxes mirror those of the American flag suggesting a national event. What has been 'won' is not indicated in the thread or paradigm, though it is likely the meme originally referred to Trump's ballot in 2016. In any circumstance, this is an empowering prototype. But like the images in the previous section, this is more symbolic than real. The background, once again, gives no clues every bit to whatsoever item consequence or event. The image and context connote no real action and agency. Trump is non represented doing anything to anybody. However, this meme is about his power and 'u.s.a.' being a office of this, though nothing is divers or quantifiable.

Effigy iii. Descriptive representations of Trump'south power in 4Chan memes

Trump supporters started the slogan 'Tin can't Stump the Trump' during his campaign to become the Republican presidential candidate. A Trump supporter first posted the slogan on 4Chan on 15 June 2015. A number of conservative media outlets repeated the phrase and Trump tweeted it on 13 October 2015. The now famous meme that incorporates this slogan (Fig. 4) appears regularly on 4Chan. The slogan implies an oppositional 'you' while the parochial lexical choice of 'stump' suggests informality. Every bit such, Trump'due south unorthodox populist and confrontational style of politicking is connoted alongside his intellectual prowess. However, with no details or context represented in the slogan, this communicates to its audiences symbolically and affectively rather than in a tangible, descriptive style.

Choices in the prototype further articulates discourses of Trump equally a powerful leader of America. As is the case with the previous meme, Trump is salient connoting his importance. Aside from written text, excluded are any details of where he is and what he is doing. This is all about Trump. Unlike any of the previous images, there is no groundwork hither further suggesting the image is more symbolic than descriptive (Machin 2007: 34). Trump's head has low modality. That is, 'the image departs from how nosotros would have seen the prototype had we been there' (Machin 2007: 46). Facial details, such as wrinkles, blemishes and faults are non nowadays. There is a visual effect applied to the image that eliminates these realities and offers u.s.a. a immature, unreal version of Trump's head. Choosing a youthful-looking version of Trump has more associations with forcefulness than that of an erstwhile, over-weight man. Power is also connoted by Trump staring at viewers in a demand paradigm, directly addressing his fans. His eyes are broad open as though he is afraid of zilch. His forehead slightly leans forward and his chin is tucked in equally though he is daring viewers to question his intelligence asserted in the slogan. Every bit seen in the terminal meme, there is a slight grin, connoting confidence.

Figure 4. 'Can't Stump the Trump' meme on 4Chan

Kress and van Leeuwen (1996: 193) claim that the position of elements in images create 'compositional structures' which take meaning potential. 1 structure is the 'Triptych' where one element is centrally placed, interim as a mediator between other elements. Within this meme, Trump occupies the heart of the meme surrounded past colours of the American flag. He is literally at the heart of America. This discourse of Trump being an essential part of American nationalism is further articulated in how Trump's proper noun is presented in the meme. His name is integrated with the The states flag connoting a natural connection betwixt the two (Machin 2007: 154). In fact, by having Trump'southward proper noun on top of the flag, overlapping occurs again connoting Trump's strength and importance in America (Eisner 1985). Kress and van Leeuwen (1996: 193) likewise identify the summit of compositions as the 'platonic', generalisation or simplification of an image. The bottom is the 'real', factual and grounded in the everyday that adds weight and credibility to the ideal. Hither, the ideal is 'tin't stump' while 'the Trump' is the factual that adds weight to the ideal. This construction emphasises Trump every bit unstoppable and clever in the context of power in America. Every bit such, this appeals to posters' emotions of beingness proud to be a part of Trump's America. What this is missing is whatever details and specifics about exactly what is this power, who it effects and how.

7.iii. Images of Trump's relations with mainstream media

Trump'due south relations with mainstream media are combative at best, well documented and discussed extensively in academia (see Hopper, Hoskin & Merrin 2019). He makes no secret of his dislike for critical media, these being regular targets for his angst in his political rallies and press conferences. This tendency to attack critical mainstream media is aligned with authoritarian notions of loyal obedience toward a strong leader. Trump besides shares his critical views on Twitter, including a GIF in 2017 of him body slamming the CNN logo. This GIF resulted in a meme campaign instigated by 4Chan on 5 July 2017 named 'Operation Autism Tempest' or the 'Not bad CNN Meme War'. The campaign urged users to appoint in a meme war with CNN because the network threatened to reveal the identity of the producer of this controversial GIF. 4Chan and Reddit users began spreading anti-CNN images, videos and blithe GIFs, including a contest for the best meme in the 'Neat CNN Meme War'. A compilation of these memes, clips and GIFs subsequently appeared on YouTube. Much of this imagery is recycled and appears in feeds on 4Chan.

In this section nosotros examine ii memes that originate from the meme war. Posters' comments that accompany the memes, such as 'CNN is the fakest news of them all' and 'Destroy CNN past any memes possible', echo Trump sentiments of anger, and frustration at mainstream media. In both memes, Trump is salient. His caput, which is mashed on to other characters, is large, low-cal in color and is in the foreground of the images. Unlike memes and images nosotros have analysed thus far, here Trump is represented interim with agency connoting great ability (Fairclough 1995: 113). The origins of figure five is the game Mortal Kombat. Every bit is the case with all memes, knowledge of original media contribute to the meanings articulated in memes. This image is role of a fatality sequence in Mortal Kombat in which a grapheme called Liu Kang (Trump here) turns into a dragon and eats the pinnacle half of his opponent. In the altered image, the Trump dragon dominates. He is much larger than the CNN grapheme and in the center of the image, a salient position. His torso is puffed out in a posture that connotes a threat to the CNN character. The horizontal bending of interaction does not allow us to have any symbolic interaction with Trump. This image is offered to us as information available for scrutiny (Kress & van Leeuwen 1996: 124). We are here to observe his strength. Trump'south oral cavity is open, yelling, threatening and perchance ready to swallow his opponent (CNN). His eyed glare down at CNN, over again emphasising his anger and power. CNN leans dorsum, cowering under his threats. Here representations of power are clear. Represented actions of yelling, threatening and attacking are an emotional metaphor for Trump's actions and relations with mainstream media.

Effigy 5. Meme of Trump as Liu Kang from the Mortal Combat game

In figure six, Trump again dominates the paradigm. Hither, his caput is mashed on to the Hulk from The Avengers moving-picture show (2012). In this image, Trump faces us, allowing viewers to witness his acrimony. The vertical angle of interaction emphasises his force. In the original film, the Hulk fights Loki, a villain. Here Trump's head is mashed on to the superhero's body equally he holds the villain by the anxiety in a sequence that sees the Hulk physically brutalise Loki. It is a one-sided fight due to the Hulk's enormous strength. Here, the superhero Trump physically brutalises CNN. This show of strength and connotations of who is correct and who is wrong would not exist lost on viewers, confirming their beliefs that mainstream media are incorrect, it existence 'false news'. All the while, the meme offers no evidence or context for such assertions, just metaphoric over literal representations of actions that emphasise power and anger.

Effigy half-dozen. Trump as the Hulk from The Avengers moving-picture show (2012)

seven.four. Criticisms of Trump for non being strong enough

There is a lot of criticisms of Trump in mainstream media and digital popular culture. Criticism is aimed at a large number of problems including his authoritarian tendencies, his (un)lawful actions, his style of governing and fifty-fifty his policies. By and large, these come from a position that may be considered more liberal than Trump. However, in our search of 4Chan in 2019, at that place was a lot of criticism of Trump from the correct. He is represented as not disciplinarian plenty and likewise tolerant towards minorities such as the Gay customs, asylum seekers, Jewish people and Israel. In this department, we examine a ii-image meme to reveal some of the strategies used to affectively connote praise and criticism about Trump's power.

As noted higher up, viewers of 4Chan inevitably engage with racist texts, whether viewing, posting, commenting or creating these (Merrin 2019: 204). This is evident in threads that defend and criticise Trump. One common theme during our sample time was an anti-Semitic discourse. Accompanying figure seven, we discover the media is 'Jewish controlled' while YouTube is named 'Jewtube' and Facebook 'Faceberg'. These namings accompany an array of conspiracy theories where Jewish people are to blame for a whole host of injustices. In the thread that accompanies figure vii, we discover some users attack Trump and some defend him. Trump is attacked equally being weak, represented as post-obit State of israel in 'Trump is blind and Netanyahu is guiding him' and 'Make these shill memes that show him MIGA instead of MAGA.' We can only assume MIGA is an acronym that exchanges 'America' for 'Israel' in Trump's 'Brand America Great Once again' slogan. Elsewhere in the thread, the 'Jewish controlled media' are attacked for being against Trump who will 'destroy groping Joe [Biden] in 2020', while some users believe this thread is role of a Jewish-led conspiracy to turn voters against Trump. These comments express fright of the other, in this case Jewish people and Isreal, every bit well as acrimony at Trump for being also accommodating towards Isreal. These emotions are also represented in this meme.

The meme is in the mode of a before and after sequence. Scholars tell us an image can be organised from left to correct where the left tin represent the erstwhile while the right can correspond the new and the possible (Halliday 1994: 277). In this composition, the left is the by, something we already know, while the right is something new. In the left epitome, we see Trump culturally categorised as a Crusader. In pop fiction, the red on white cantankerous nosotros see on Trump's shield and chest plate is associated with non only the English language flag, but besides the Crusades and Saint George, England's 'patron saint'. Though non a symbol of America, this paradigm resonates with Trump's policies towards Muslims, keeping in heed the eight Crusader wars were 'a series of religious wars between Christians and Muslims started primarily to secure control of holy sites considered sacred by both groups' ('Crusades' 2019). The background, though low in modality, depicts a dry out, desert-similar landscape, a big dominicus and a building with a dome roof. All these lean on stereotypes that suggest Trump is in the Middle East and most probably Isreal.

Figure 7. An anti-Semitic far-right meme critical of Trump on 4Chan

On the left, Trump is salient, with his caput mashed on to a knight. But his head is not as salient as in previous memes that used lighting, colour, focus and/or size for salience. Hither his head is distinguishable, simply small. The horse and American flag are far more salient, the flag beingness both large and a potent cultural symbol. Like the positive images examined above, Trump is looking to the horizon – a man with a vision. This epitome connotes positivity, though not every bit obvious as previous examples. It provokes longing for a time when Trump had a vision equally a candidate. His facial expressions, though difficult to distinguish, are stern and serious, similar a crusader, off to make America Neat Over again.

The right-hand image has less certainty and positivity and lower modality than the left paradigm. A 'realistic' photo of Trump'southward head on the left is replaced with a extravaganza of Trump. It is biologically categorised based on racist stereotypes. He at present has a big olfactory organ, squinting eyes and big eyebrows. Some of these qualities are used in Jewish detest literature. He looks untrustworthy connoted by his gaze that no longer looks to the horizon, only off to the side. He is now a flag bearer for Israel non America, indicated past the flag changes. What is connoted here is he now works in the national interest of State of israel, playing on fears of betrayal by Trump fans. This is nothing short of treasonous behaviour for a president. He no longer is a warrior crusader fighting for America and its interests. Instead, he is a traitor, fighting for State of israel and Jewish people. Though these criticisms are powerful, they are not specific. At that place is no articulation of an argument in the meme or in the thread of what Trump has washed for or against America and/ or Israel. Though these memes may stir upwards emotional nationalist and racist feelings in 4Chan users, their lack of direct criticism is stark.

8. Conclusion

In this paper, we have considered how image-based memes about Donald Trump'due south power shared on social media clear political discourses. Whether pro or anti-Trump, the ability represented is not about any existent tangible ability or actions, only symbolic and/ or metaphoric. We find memes lean on emotional discourses nearly nationalism, racism and authoritarianism. Criticism and praise is not communicated through logical, conspicuously articulated, tangible arguments but affectively and emotionally. 4Chan users are presented with memes that dispense images and lexica (sometimes) to communicate to united states of america affectively, drawing on feelings and stereotypes that connote other-worldly strength and power. These lean on discourses of authoritarianism, discourses close to many 4Chan audience members.

Though these lean on emotion and affect, memes similar these are important. They are pervasive, popular and effective. Many memes originate from the alt-right and seep into mainstream social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and YouTube. Here, they are viewed, considered, commented upon and shared by millions, social media being a chief source of amusement and information for many of the states. These activities get audiences to consider politicians and their actions. For example, the Israel meme analysed higher up suggests that Trump said i affair as a candidate but acted differently every bit a president. This message has the potential to stir anger in users and be part of a decision making process on how to vote. However, we should non over-stress their importance in terms of democratic ethics. Different mainstream media, these offer little room for their viewers to analyse and question issues, events and people, confirming rather than challenging already-held beliefs. Their melancholia, comical and simplified nature do not invite us to consider a range of views on pertinent issues in gild for u.s.a. to make informed political decisions. Instead, memes are a part of 'curl civilization' that metaphorically shouts emotionally-laden viewpoints at us. This does little in terms of creating an informed public as envisioned past Habermas (1991), thereby adding a further blow to an essential component of a healthy functioning democracy.

About the authors

Lyndon C.Southward. Way

Academy of Liverpool

Writer for correspondence.
Email: lyndon.way@liverpool.air-conditioning.united kingdom
ORCID iD: 0000-0002-0481-4891

communications and media lecturer at the Academy of Liverpool. His expanse of research is analysing relations between (digital) popular culture and politics through the lens of multimodal critical soapbox studies. He has co-/edited a number of publications on music and digital popular culture as multimodal political discourse, written a monograph on Turkish music and politics (Bloomsbury 2018) and another entitled Analysing Politics and Protest in DigitalPopular Culture (Sage 2021).

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Source: https://journals.rudn.ru/linguistics/article/view/27484